Bad Timing for Labor Split
Don Giljum
Business ManagerPolitical & legal landscape already
anti-union....
AFL-CIO President John Sweeney called it “a tragedy for working people.”
He was talking about the defection of matsix labor unions from the
AFL-CIO that occurred this past summer. The Teamsters, Laborers, United
Food and Commercial Workers, Service Employees, UNITE HERE (hotel and
restaurant workers) and the Farm Workers all left the fold to start
their own federation. The Carpenters, who had already been outside the
AFL-CIO, joined these unions in a new organization called “Change to
Win.”
Some of these unions boycotted the
annual AFL-CIO convention in Chicago in late July. Then on September 27,
the Change to Win group held its own founding convention, in St. Louis.
What does this mean for the Operating
Engineers, the AFLCIO and for labor as a whole? Certainly it means an
immediate loss of political influence. In the 2004 federal elections,
labor gave $61.6 million to candidates and parties. But businesses gave
$1.5 billion. (Source: Center for Responsive politics.)
So labor was already being outspent
24-1. Now, with the split, we will see labor donations becoming less
effective. In more cases, different unions will be supporting opposing
candidates. It is likely, for example that some unions outside the
AFL-CIO may support Jim Talent (R-MO) for senator while AFL-CIO unions
in the state support challenger Claire McCaskill.
The defection also means a major loss
of revenue for the AFLCIO and its central labor councils and programs.
Change to Win pulled 5.4 million union members out of the AFL-CIO’s 13
million base. That will translate into dramatic cuts in staffing and
capabilities.
It is also likely that the two labor
federations will bump heads in organizing and that incidents of raiding
will increase. Change to Win and the AFL-CIO have different priorities.
Change to Win plans to spend more than 75% of all its revenues on
organizing, with less emphasis on influencing politics. The AFL-CIO also
stresses organizing but believes in a strong effort to engage
politicians.
The timing of this split is very bad
for organized labor, which now represents 12 percent of workers (as
opposed to 35% in 1950). In today’s political climate, federal judges
and the National Labor Relations Board most often interpret the laws in
favor of business interests. Businesses have grown openly hostile and
have become unafraid of violating labor laws. Organizing has become
extremely difficult. An example of this trend locally can be seen with
Lohr’s Distributing Co., which distributes Anheuser-Busch products in
the City of St. Louis. Lohr’s recently replaced its union workers
permanently after they went on strike in protest of commission cutbacks.
We see this trend in our own dealings with employers, who often push
ahead as though labor laws don’t really mean anything.
Anti-union forces are surely licking
their chops at news of labor’s split. They sense weakness in the labor
movement—and this may cause them to act even more boldly in ignoring
labor laws, disregarding contract language, and firing those who seek to
organize. But anti-union forces shouldn’t get too smug. History has
shown that when workers become too downtrodden and when the wealthy and
the powerful become too oppressive, workers rise up and demand a fair
share of our country’s wealth. This is what happened in the 1930s. This
is what led to the tremendous growth of unions in the first place.
Organized labor is far from being
dead. But the split of 2005 will go down in history as a grave and
ominous setback. |